Love Song Explication Essay Research Paper The free essay sample

Love Song Explication Essay, Research Paper The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock Lines 37-52 In this refrain the grown-up male laments a portion of the conclusions that he has made in his life. The grown-up male feels that in the event that he permits himself to think about his days of old he will hold to cover with the feelings and impacts of an existence of hapless conclusions. He requests if there is a chance to turn around the guardianships of clasp to, ideally, passing on an opportunity for adjustment in his life, Do I make intense? furthermore, Do I make striking ( Line 38 ) . His physical maturing humiliates him, With a bare topographic point in the focal point of my hair ( 39 ) . He is truly down on the grounds that he is stressed over what others will fathom of him. My forenoon coat, my necklace mounted unfalteringly to my mentum, this shows how he is looking to disguise the grounds of physical maturing by concealing it with vesture ( 42 ) . We will compose a custom paper test on Love Song Explication Essay Research Paper The or on the other hand any comparative point explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page This is another imprint that he is down. He is believing that with a bowtie rich and unassuming he will look strong, however will non be seen for being lavishly dressed ( 43 ) . He trusts that his bright bit of vesture will redirect others from his slim weaponries and legs, His weaponries and legs are dainty ( 44 ) . When again he is worried about how individuals see him. He utilizes creative mind to portray what he looks like, he is trying to look strong and noble yet in world he is tragic and glooming. Bing slim raises the subject of destitution, physical famishment, or perhaps even the famishment of an actual existence that was squandered by hapless judgment. These notices to maturing uncovers this grown-up male s sentiments of shortcoming that increments as the stanza structure forges ahead and he keeps on encountering lament about his life. There is the rehash of the expression Do I dare in which he considers the request is it worth the entirety of the issue to be worried about the entirety of his physical highlights that God so intentionally gave him ( 45 ) . These thoughts of which he requests his visual angle establishes the pace to be of distress and gloom. He seriously needs to modify his life s history. The request of whether he ought to or ought to non upset the ideal concordance of nature, Do I dare/Disturb the presence? ( 45-46 ) , raises his longing to keep a moment to turn down clasp and do various picks. In a moment there is cut, this distortion portrays how he feels that in just brief he could change his life everlastingly ( 47 ) . There is conundrum with the expression judgments and changes these two are conflicting feelings, yet no undertaking how troublesome they cooperate this one m inute that he wants it could change by inversion them and adjust his life everlastingly. The grown-up male knows now everything that he should hold done. Each twenty-four hours it was obvious to him that conclusions he made were non the best, Have known the eventides, forenoons, and evenings. ( 50 ) . He obtrusively downplays an incredible estimation, I have apportioned my life in java spoons ( 51 ) . He feels that he has only let his life squander off, he has no extraordinary achievement to be glad for, nil to think back on and grinning. Allotting his life in java he means that he feels that his life was constrained to a specific entirety. In the last line he understands that it is sad to trust Do I dare, there is no open door that he will secure a chance to turn around cut and adjust a portion of his conclusions. For him returning to the days of old has gotten unnecessarily excruciating. He presently realizes that the damage has been done and there is nil to make however keep a wat ch out what else occurs. This grown-up male understands that his picks were non the best, however in the terminal his expectation for overhauling these hapless judgments does not exist anymore. Life is a link of conclusions, the picks that you make along the way follow up on your life after expire. The articulation of this stanza structure is both formal and casual. Expressions like, my necklace mounted relentlessly to my mentum ( 44 ) are increasingly formal while phrases like, I have allotted my life in java spoons ( 51 ) are progressively casual. The beat of this refrain is mostly idyllic. It rhymes the majority of the words that end each line, yet it does non rime any of the challenging this makes these expressions stick out. It focuses on the way that this grown-up male requests should he even be accepting of his days of old and passing on up this stinging. The rhyming of lines 41 through 44 draws out the more lovely side and makes these parts stream a clump drum sander. In any case, in the accompanying three lines at that spot is non any rimes and they stick out and non transition great. The rhyming of brave ( 38 ) , step ( 39 ) , and hair ( 40 ) sets a temper of edginess. While the rhyming of meager ( 41 ) , jawline ( 42 ) , and pin ( 43 ) sets a temper of hopelessness. There is other than the rehash of the words known them all ( 49 ) and perishing ( 52 ) which helps put the beat at the terminal. With these lines non read as wonderfully draws the peruser s going to additional to this nation. In the parts that do non rime there is a complement on words that start with D, this could be sidestepping towards perish and how he laments that nil great originated from his life. In line 48 there is the rehash of the particles sounds and the rhenium sounds.

The Oppression Of Females In Advertising Essay free essay sample

, Research Paper The Oppression of Females in Ad: Alluring conduct is looked for by individuals all through the universe dependent on how one is raised and the standpoints one is shelled with on an everyday balance. At the point when individuals start to arrange certain viewpoints in life at that spot get down to be shaped generalizations. It is from here that ad discovers its most remarkable arms. By focusing on these socially framed generalizations they can expressly affect individuals, and by benefiting from these verifiably acknowledged highlights of individuals they can other than sway conduct. This appears to be similarly innocuous to the advertizer who just needs to sell his/her product, yet it becomes unsafe when it starts to propagate certain undesirable generalizations to the point of establishing them in waxy heads. The word image of females in commercial propagates these generalizations and ransacks different females of the chance to compose unique estimations. Utilizing the advertisements introduced here as outlines, the picture of grown-up females can be separated into a few classs. We will compose a custom paper test on The Oppression Of Females In Advertising Essay or on the other hand any comparable theme explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page First is the idea of magnificence. Most of every advertisement is given to the beautification of grown-up females # 8217 ; s hair, face, and natural structure. Womans are shelled with digitally embellished, completely lit, perpetually upbeat pictures of lovely hypothetical records that depict each perfect of our general public. The main subjects are the undermentioned: make-up, smell, chests and cleavage, and tonss of covering. First make-up. Womans are non expected to be adequate without the guide of the most recent compound techn ique to take absconds, obscure eyes, protract ciliums, coat the lips, and take brilliance. Next is the word image of smells. The fundamental develops behind smell promotions are of sex, recognition, outsider medications, and departure from world. By protraying the fragrances as an outsider pheromone they appear to suggest that one will be completely resistless and that without the utilization of smell one could neer draw a grown-up male. At that point there are the existent hypothetical records. These grown-up females break the school miss standard that the mean grown-up females was raised keeping valid. The hypothetical records uncover an overplus of substance non acknowledged as standard inside this general public. This contentions extraordinarily with how much the mean female uncovers. The world is that North America is non simply all white lovely, juvenile, sound, in structure, great †off individuals running about with no consideration aside from the Latess way inclinations. It is cut companies quit pampering grown-up females with an attractive picture that they can non trust to accomplish. On the off chance that one Michigan to see the naïveté of the human head, especially the juvenile 1s, it becomes terrifying to accept that these bursting generalized word picture # 8217 ; s can be gotten in any library or apothecarys search for anybody to peruse. Of class I accept that individuals ought to be permitted to explain their ain assumptions and have opportunity to peruse and take a gander at whatever they pick, however I feel that the individuals building up these advertizements should move with somewhat more obligation towards society and pay all the more taking care of what they are distributing.

Geologic Time (Billions of Years vs. Thousands of Years) Research Paper

Geologic Time (Billions of Years versus A large number of Years) - Research Paper Example On the off chance that the advancement of the old-Earth hypothesis is followed, it tends to be seen that â€Å"one of the most punctual nullifications of the Christian convention of an exceptionally youthful earth through thinking dependent on perception and logical hypothesis was by Benoit de Maillet, French ambassador, intellectual, and novice naturalist† (Darlymple, 1994, p.25). It was in the â€Å"middle of the seventeenth century† that two contradicting hypotheses on the period of Earth started to become unmistakable one dependent on Biblical counts and the other established on physical and compound procedures (Jackson, 2006, p.32). The last developed to turn into the logical hypothesis of the time of Earth and broadcasted that Earth is billions of years old. The cutting edge age has acknowledged this view as the bona fide one and the instructive framework that we have overall underwrites it. However, the youthful Earth scholars additionally hold influence among an impressive segment of the total populace. Old-Earth View The old-Earth see depends on the huge explosion idea (Morris, 2007, p.34). The theory of prehistoric cosmic detonation says that â€Å"the universe started about 10 to 20 billion years prior with a major bang† (Morris, 2007, p.34). ... As time passed, the gravitational power of bigger throws of material pulled in the littler pieces and shaped the universes and heavenly bodies we see today (â€Å"How Do Scientists Measure earth Age?†, n.d.). As indicated by this hypothesis, the close planetary system was framed from this enormous detonation and its after blasts, around five billion years prior (Morris, 2007, p.34). Life on earth should have been conceived out of synthetic responses â€Å"about three to four billion years ago† and man is thought to have advanced â€Å"around one to 3,000,000 years ago† (Morris, 2007, p.34). Broad logical techniques have been grown since the time science began its mission to evaluate the period of Earth. There are strategies like K-Ar technique, Rb-Sr strategy, isotopic examinations, fossil investigations, etc (Darlymple, 1994, p.184). In light of the consequences of the investigations completed utilizing these appraisal techniques, certain stones in the Yilgarn s quare of Western Australia have been found to have a time of 4.0 Ga (Darlymple, 1994, p.189). This proves the old-Earth hypothesis. Science has utilized four unique strategies to prove that Earth is billions of years old (â€Å"How Do Scientists Measure earth Age?†, n.d.). These techniques are utilized either independently or in mixes (â€Å"How Do Scientists Measure earth Age?†, n.d.). These are radiological estimation, stratigraphic superposition and the fossil record technique (â€Å"How Do Scientists Measure earth Age?†, n.d.). The radiation estimation technique dates rocks dependent on the radioactive crumbling of the radio isotopes present in them (â€Å"How Do Scientists Measure earth Age?†, n.d.). Utilizing this strategy, the charcoal gathered from bed of debris close to Crater lake, Oregon, was found to 6,640 years of age

Politics Dissertations - Media Political Attitudes - Free Essay Example

The impact of the media on public opinion, in countries across the globe, including the United States, is the subject of a growing body of academic and public discourse. The media has grown to become the main conduit for the publics understanding of world events. If the media can be said to provide wide-ranging and balanced coverage of news events there seems little or no problem of negative influence on public opinion. However, the belief in the neutrality of media coverage is not without its critics and the manipulation of news affects the attitudes and behaviours of those it is aimed at, namely the wider American public. The following argument will espouse the view that the media in the current period of time do have an influence on public attitudes and behaviour. Furthermore, the media are in turn influenced by external factors, which can result in the manipulation of public opinion for means preferable to the ruling establishment and business. Before embarking on a definitive answer to this question one must firmly establish definitions that will be used throughout the essay. The first issue is whether or not we can identify and employ the term media as if it were a single entity. This essay will adopt the position that media in this circumstance pertains to the news media of electronic and print journalism. There are of course vast differences between the coverage of news networks such as CNN and newspaper publication such as The New York Times. However, the argument for the all-encompassing use of the term is persuasive. Timothy Cook, for example, explains that the strong similarities of news processes and news content across modalities (television, newspapers, and newsmagazines), size of organization, national or local audiences, etc., point to the news media as a single institution (Cook 1998, p. 84). Thus, for the purposes of this analysis the term media will be taken to represent a monolithic structure encompassing b roadcast, print and digital formats. On a further point of clarity it is necessary to establish the meaning of political attitudes and behaviours. Without resorting to a dictionary definition the distinction here appears to be with peoples thoughts, private or public, and actions, such as the physical act of voting. The measuring of public opinion is complex and has been researched and discussed thoroughly elsewhere. This essay will utilise the existing literature to establish that the media does have an effect on public attitudes and will as such go on to analyse the nature of the influences. The reliance upon the media for information is a key factor in understanding its influence. In his discussion of the issue Timothy Cook states that in the United States, the privately owned news media are relied upon to provide communication from the elite to the public, as well as within the public as a whole (Cook 1998, p. 82). This reliance places the media in a powerful position of mediating not only between the American public but also between the citizens and the state. Despite the multiplicity of news outlets the content, as noted above also by Cook, is often largely similar. The effect of dominant stories being emitted across the media spectrum is one of influencing the political and other attitudes and behaviour of the American public. In his article on the subject Donald Jordan reaches the conclusion that in both newspaper items and television broadcasts experts and commentators wield heavy influence (Jordan 1993, p. 191). The crux of their influence comes in the empowering of the media, by the public, who tend to place a great deal of weight upon the importance of the news stories that reach the front page or television screen. In turn the political importance placed upon this by the public comes as the public seek to judge the stance of politicians on the issues in the media, regardless of whether the said politicians are linked to the news event (Cook 1998, p. 126). It is this perceived influence that in reverse drives politicians to respond even if the issue does not react strongly. In addition to placing a degree of importance on news stories that reach them via the media, there is also reason to suggest that the American public believe what the media say about an issue. Indeed, Hustler publisher Larry Flynt argues that many Americans buy into the newss propaganda on a nightly basis (Flynt 2004, p. 183). If one takes buy into to mean agree with or accept as fact the influence of the media becomes apparent, [t]he reporter is the recorder of government but he is also a participant (Cater in Cook 1998, p. 1). The media, under these assumptions, cannot be viewed as the benign distributors of news, but also the selectors of news and the formers of opinion. The main argument against the above description is that of active audience analysis. This approach contends that audiences routinely interpret corporate messages in ways that suit their own needs, not that of media proprietors or advertisers. However, this argument itself is disputed by those suggesting this dismisses the cumulative effect of repetitive media messages (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 194). The traditional argument is that the media serves the public well as a force for their democratic right to know (Taylor 1997, p. 1). The American media, and indeed the media of other western democracies, is heralded as a fundamental component of the virtuosity of free speech. In the conflicts against Iraq the rhetoric in the media contrasted the free speech of the media in democratic countries against the state-run media of Husseins Iraq. The irony here is the negated recognition of media censorship by western countries during times of conflict. More worryingly this censorship can often be identified as self-censorship as media organisations seek to remain with the official government and military information channels that dominate the flow of news from the battlefield. In this atmosphere the publics right to know appears to be more akin to the public right to know what the authorities want it to know. Professionalism is also enlisted to support the assertion that the media is acting upon the best interests of the public. The argument purported suggests the individual journalists have professional pride in their work and a moral work ethic that counters efforts to influence their output. However, this does not appear to be the case and tainted news stories emerge that influence the public perception of events. The lack of diversity in news sources, as previously referred to in Cooks account, does not reflect the multiplicity of interpretations that professionalism and personal interpretation by individual reporters would suggest. Despite any well-meaning intentions the most used sources of information by journalists are official channels. Journalists also work within the remit of the editorial policies of their institutions and other dominating factors that shape the news agenda. With conformity of opinion and repetition of news stories, combined with a public willingness to place greater emphasis on the importance of events in the news, the power of the American media to influence the public attitudes and behaviour towards issues becomes apparent. The editorial policies of the media appear to be free-chosen ideals, shaped by the political leanings of those in charge. In the case of newspapers, such overt political leanings are accepted if not expected. However, even with such freedom of choice one can argue that the conservative elements of the American establishment dominate the media agenda. Larry Flynt argues the media is dominated by these influences, which are able to insert their message into the media machine: Where did these ideas come from, and why are they so popular? The answers lie in our newspapers, magazines, radio, and television, and in the people who run them. On the right, you have media piranhas who lie, distort, and work the ref until our heads spin. On the left, you have press poodles who either just do what theyre told, or are too reasonable and polite to compete with ranting, conservative lunatics (Flynt 2004, p. 148). With this in mind one can argue the more conservative elements in politics are managing to portray their version of events. If this is the case and the public place greater faith in those messages purported by the media, then the political attitudes and behaviour of the American public can be said to be influenced. The re-election of George Bush, for example, would appear to substantiate such assertions. The increased commercialisation of the industry also plays a part in the influencing of public opinion. As has been noted the maturing of commercial broadcasting not only substitutes entertainment for public service; the U.S. experience suggests that maturation brings with it a decline in variety of viewpoints and increased protection of establishment interests (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 143). News has to be important and interesting, for the viewing public to remain engaged. This brings about the introduction of value-laden assumptions to the selection process as news is filtered by editorial staff to provide entertaining news to keep ratings, and hence advertising revenue, high. Once more the unfiltered, diverse media is actually revealed to be both ideologically and economically sieved to produce a product to engage the public. Any discrepancy from this formula can prove troublesome, as Bernhard asserts, because [p]ointing to the social costs of capitalism is still mistaken fo r disloyalty, or for psychosis (Bernhard 1999, p. 178). The same is true for any criticism of a war effort, with the attackers facing the wrath of media and public criticism if messages are deemed unpatriotic. It is also argued that commercialisation leads to the isolation of the public from the political system. This view is put forward by Herman and McChesney: [T]he commercialisation of broadcasting has further weakened democracy by delocalizing (nationalizing) politics, because, as Gerald Benjamin notes, appeals made in one place or to one group may be immediately communicated regionally or nationally. Thus the distributive politics of particular appeals to particular groups can no longer be made by candidates without their first calculating the possible effects on other groups in their electoral coalitions. The individual is more isolated, political participation tends to be reduced, and the idea of collective social action is weakened (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 147). The political system is altered by the mass reach of media. The individual is weakened and their political attitudes and behaviours are thus altered. Political action at a local level by determined groups is less possible now and the bigger picture much be considered. While the political power of the individual is weakened so too in the breadth of knowledge they attain from the media. Commercialisation and the modern media system have led to the trivialisation of news. Events are edited and selected to appeal as entertainment. The illusion of an informed American public appears justified by the mention of events from afar but, asks Phil Taylor, to what extent this can be said to be the case is debateable: In reality, does the practice of covering world events in twelve column inches or a three-minute news segment encourage prejudice rather than empathy, national pride rather than international harmony, and emotional rather than rational judgements? (Taylor 1997, pp. 1-2). The answer would appear to be yes to each, as while the public are presented with the faade of a multifaceted media machine the content is still highly selective. The outlets may be numerous but the depth is lacking. As the media world moves evermore to the instantaneous and 24-hour news culture the demand to produce a vast quantity of visually-orientated images quickly supersedes any depth of understanding the American public could seek to ascertain. The appeal to emotion does little to stimulate educated discussion upon issues. Instead, if the carefully selected news agenda wishes it can appeal to the public to behave in a way favourable to the governments wishes. For example, during the 1999 Kosovo Conflict the media in the United States and Great Britain played great attention to the human interest stories of Albanian refugees to stir public sympathy for intervention on their behalf. However, the irony was that the chosen form of intervention, solely from the air, while resulting in no politically damaging allied casualties, did little to stem the flow of refugees. Having referred to conflict one is also inclined to believe that the above interpretation of the media in the context of war may differ. When one takes into account the negative connotations assigned to the medias role during the Vietnam War the relationship would at first appear antagonistic and preclude any bowing on the part of the media to government will. However, the trend for assigning journalists to press pools in the 1990-1 Gulf War demonstrated an effective way of embedding journalists, not only physically, but also mentally with American forces. Cooperation between the media and the government manifested itself in ignoring and attempting to change public opinion, as Phillip Knightley explains: [S]izable minorities in both the United States and Britain were against such a war and although the mainstream media largely ignored their protests, these had to be dampened down unless they gained strength. Hussein had to be demonised. He was painted as being ruthless, another Hitler, a fanatic, deranged, a psychopath, hated by his own people and despised in the Arab world. Further, from the moment his troops had arrived in Kuwait they had committed unspeakable atrocities (Knightley 2001, p. 486). In addition to the restriction of information the media echoed government messages demonising Hussein and his actions. In this respect opposition to the conflict became tantamount to support for Saddam Hussein. Opposition was deemed unpatriotic. By ignoring public protest and presenting this interpretation of events the American public were being shamed into non-verbal opposition and the opinions of proponents of the war were bolstered by the apparent large-scale acceptance of their opinions, as witnessed through the media. Such a perception of events in conflict is at odds with the reality highlighted by Flynt in this and the subsequent conflict in Afghanistan: [W]e had no media with the troops in Afghanistan. Hardly anyone realized that most western reporters were being kept far from the front lines. The war news was being censored. We were being spoon fed commentary and military press releases masquerading as hard news. That was not only an insult to the American people, it was a huge disservice to news coverage in general (Flynt 2004, pp. 162-163). On a subject as emotive as conflict one would expect a mass media to be rife with opinions and conflicting views, representing the fears and worries of a diverse American public. The reverse was in fact true. The media demonstrated in the most tense of times that not only could and would it shape the perception of the conflict to the American people; it was also willing to gloss over public attitudes and expressions of dissent in a misled quest for patriotism in a manner that had historical precursors: In joining forces to sell the Cold War to the American people, government and industry professionals clearly knew they violated precepts of a free and independent press, but they justified it to themselves as a necessary patriotic duty in a fearsome age (Bernhard 1999, p. 179). Military conflict is one arena where the influence of the media is enhanced as the American public thirst for information. However, it also appears to be the occasion when the media is most likely to filter the information it provides. As with military confrontations the influence of media affects not only US public but also beyond. As Edward Herman and Robert McChesney point out the American model for global media is the likely ideal for other world media, as is, arguably, the democratic system of government (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 137). This also includes cultural infiltration of the American way of life with publics of other nations. Herman and McChesney go so far as to state that: We also think it very important to recognize that media effects are inseparable from broader economic, political, and cultural influences, such as external military occupation and rule, foreign indirect rule through sponsored authoritarian regimes military and police aid and training, economic and financial linkages, and tourism and educational exchanges, all of which are at least as imbalanced as media exports and imports (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 155). In a mass media world, where the reach of information is global, perhaps one should consider not only the influence on the American public, but also the worldwide cultural influence. The impact of the American media on public attitudes and behaviour is great. The media have an unparalleled hold over information dissemination to the wider public and the message, according to many commentators, is all too readily accepted. However the messages portrayed are not the result of individual reportage and endeavour on the part of journalists. The mass media is shaped by government and commercial interests that combine to reduce diverse outlets to the same messages. In times of heightened national interest in the news agenda, such as during conflict, the process is more restricted than normal. In essence the media present the contradiction of a mass, diverse organism that through the widespread regurgitation of similar messages, lends credence to those messages, influencing the publics judgement as to their infallibility. Bibliography Articles Jordan, Donald, Newspaper Effects on Policy Preferences, Political Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 57, 1993, pp. 191-204. Books Bernhard, Nancy, U.S. Television News and Cold War Propaganda, 1947-1960, (Cambridge: 1999). Cook, Timothy, Governing with the News. The News Media as a Political Institution, (London: 1998) Flynt, Larry, Sex, Lies and Politics. The Naked truth about Bush, Democracy and the War on Terror, (London: 2004). Herman, Edward and McChesney, Robert, The Global Media. The New Missionaries of Corporate Capitalism, (London: 1999). Knightley, Phillip, The First Casualty. The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Kosovo, (London: 2001). Taylor, Philip, Global Communications, International Affairs and the Media since 1945, (London: 1997). The impact of the media on public opinion, in countries across the globe, including the United States, is the subject of a growing body of academic and public discourse. The media has grown to become the main conduit for the publics understanding of world events. If the media can be said to provide wide-ranging and balanced coverage of news events there seems little or no problem of negative influence on public opinion. However, the belief in the neutrality of media coverage is not without its critics and the manipulation of news affects the attitudes and behaviours of those it is aimed at, namely the wider American public. The following argument will espouse the view that the media in the current period of time do have an influence on public attitudes and behaviour. Furthermore, the media are in turn influenced by external factors, which can result in the manipulation of public opinion for means preferable to the ruling establishment and business. Before embarking on a definitive answer to this question one must firmly establish definitions that will be used throughout the essay. The first issue is whether or not we can identify and employ the term media as if it were a single entity. This essay will adopt the position that media in this circumstance pertains to the news media of electronic and print journalism. There are of course vast differences between the coverage of news networks such as CNN and newspaper publication such as The New York Times. However, the argument for the all-encompassing use of the term is persuasive. Timothy Cook, for example, explains that the strong similarities of news processes and news content across modalities (television, newspapers, and newsmagazines), size of organization, national or local audiences, etc., point to the news media as a single institution (Cook 1998, p. 84). Thus, for the purposes of this analysis the term media will be taken to represent a monolithic structure encompassing b roadcast, print and digital formats. On a further point of clarity it is necessary to establish the meaning of political attitudes and behaviours. Without resorting to a dictionary definition the distinction here appears to be with peoples thoughts, private or public, and actions, such as the physical act of voting. The measuring of public opinion is complex and has been researched and discussed thoroughly elsewhere. This essay will utilise the existing literature to establish that the media does have an effect on public attitudes and will as such go on to analyse the nature of the influences. The reliance upon the media for information is a key factor in understanding its influence. In his discussion of the issue Timothy Cook states that in the United States, the privately owned news media are relied upon to provide communication from the elite to the public, as well as within the public as a whole (Cook 1998, p. 82). This reliance places the media in a powerful position of mediating not only between the American public but also between the citizens and the state. Despite the multiplicity of news outlets the content, as noted above also by Cook, is often largely similar. The effect of dominant stories being emitted across the media spectrum is one of influencing the political and other attitudes and behaviour of the American public. In his article on the subject Donald Jordan reaches the conclusion that in both newspaper items and television broadcasts experts and commentators wield heavy influence (Jordan 1993, p. 191). The crux of their influence comes in the empowering of the media, by the public, who tend to place a great deal of weight upon the importance of the news stories that reach the front page or television screen. In turn the political importance placed upon this by the public comes as the public seek to judge the stance of politicians on the issues in the media, regardless of whether the said politicians are linked to the news event (Cook 1998, p. 126). It is this perceived influence that in reverse drives politicians to respond even if the issue does not react strongly. In addition to placing a degree of importance on news stories that reach them via the media, there is also reason to suggest that the American public believe what the media say about an issue. Indeed, Hustler publisher Larry Flynt argues that many Americans buy into the newss propaganda on a nightly basis (Flynt 2004, p. 183). If one takes buy into to mean agree with or accept as fact the influence of the media becomes apparent, [t]he reporter is the recorder of government but he is also a participant (Cater in Cook 1998, p. 1). The media, under these assumptions, cannot be viewed as the benign distributors of news, but also the selectors of news and the formers of opinion. The main argument against the above description is that of active audience analysis. This approach contends that audiences routinely interpret corporate messages in ways that suit their own needs, not that of media proprietors or advertisers. However, this argument itself is disputed by those suggesting this dismisses the cumulative effect of repetitive media messages (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 194). The traditional argument is that the media serves the public well as a force for their democratic right to know (Taylor 1997, p. 1). The American media, and indeed the media of other western democracies, is heralded as a fundamental component of the virtuosity of free speech. In the conflicts against Iraq the rhetoric in the media contrasted the free speech of the media in democratic countries against the state-run media of Husseins Iraq. The irony here is the negated recognition of media censorship by western countries during times of conflict. More worryingly this censorship can often be identified as self-censorship as media organisations seek to remain with the official government and military information channels that dominate the flow of news from the battlefield. In this atmosphere the publics right to know appears to be more akin to the public right to know what the authorities want it to know. Professionalism is also enlisted to support the assertion that the media is acting upon the best interests of the public. The argument purported suggests the individual journalists have professional pride in their work and a moral work ethic that counters efforts to influence their output. However, this does not appear to be the case and tainted news stories emerge that influence the public perception of events. The lack of diversity in news sources, as previously referred to in Cooks account, does not reflect the multiplicity of interpretations that professionalism and personal interpretation by individual reporters would suggest. Despite any well-meaning intentions the most used sources of information by journalists are official channels. Journalists also work within the remit of the editorial policies of their institutions and other dominating factors that shape the news agenda. With conformity of opinion and repetition of news stories, combined with a public willingness to place greater emphasis on the importance of events in the news, the power of the American media to influence the public attitudes and behaviour towards issues becomes apparent. The editorial policies of the media appear to be free-chosen ideals, shaped by the political leanings of those in charge. In the case of newspapers, such overt political leanings are accepted if not expected. However, even with such freedom of choice one can argue that the conservative elements of the American establishment dominate the media agenda. Larry Flynt argues the media is dominated by these influences, which are able to insert their message into the media machine: Where did these ideas come from, and why are they so popular? The answers lie in our newspapers, magazines, radio, and television, and in the people who run them. On the right, you have media piranhas who lie, distort, and work the ref until our heads spin. On the left, you have press poodles who either just do what theyre told, or are too reasonable and polite to compete with ranting, conservative lunatics (Flynt 2004, p. 148). With this in mind one can argue the more conservative elements in politics are managing to portray their version of events. If this is the case and the public place greater faith in those messages purported by the media, then the political attitudes and behaviour of the American public can be said to be influenced. The re-election of George Bush, for example, would appear to substantiate such assertions. The increased commercialisation of the industry also plays a part in the influencing of public opinion. As has been noted the maturing of commercial broadcasting not only substitutes entertainment for public service; the U.S. experience suggests that maturation brings with it a decline in variety of viewpoints and increased protection of establishment interests (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 143). News has to be important and interesting, for the viewing public to remain engaged. This brings about the introduction of value-laden assumptions to the selection process as news is filtered by editorial staff to provide entertaining news to keep ratings, and hence advertising revenue, high. Once more the unfiltered, diverse media is actually revealed to be both ideologically and economically sieved to produce a product to engage the public. Any discrepancy from this formula can prove troublesome, as Bernhard asserts, because [p]ointing to the social costs of capitalism is still mistaken fo r disloyalty, or for psychosis (Bernhard 1999, p. 178). The same is true for any criticism of a war effort, with the attackers facing the wrath of media and public criticism if messages are deemed unpatriotic. It is also argued that commercialisation leads to the isolation of the public from the political system. This view is put forward by Herman and McChesney: [T]he commercialisation of broadcasting has further weakened democracy by delocalizing (nationalizing) politics, because, as Gerald Benjamin notes, appeals made in one place or to one group may be immediately communicated regionally or nationally. Thus the distributive politics of particular appeals to particular groups can no longer be made by candidates without their first calculating the possible effects on other groups in their electoral coalitions. The individual is more isolated, political participation tends to be reduced, and the idea of collective social action is weakened (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 147). The political system is altered by the mass reach of media. The individual is weakened and their political attitudes and behaviours are thus altered. Political action at a local level by determined groups is less possible now and the bigger picture much be considered. While the political power of the individual is weakened so too in the breadth of knowledge they attain from the media. Commercialisation and the modern media system have led to the trivialisation of news. Events are edited and selected to appeal as entertainment. The illusion of an informed American public appears justified by the mention of events from afar but, asks Phil Taylor, to what extent this can be said to be the case is debateable: In reality, does the practice of covering world events in twelve column inches or a three-minute news segment encourage prejudice rather than empathy, national pride rather than international harmony, and emotional rather than rational judgements? (Taylor 1997, pp. 1-2). The answer would appear to be yes to each, as while the public are presented with the faade of a multifaceted media machine the content is still highly selective. The outlets may be numerous but the depth is lacking. As the media world moves evermore to the instantaneous and 24-hour news culture the demand to produce a vast quantity of visually-orientated images quickly supersedes any depth of understanding the American public could seek to ascertain. The appeal to emotion does little to stimulate educated discussion upon issues. Instead, if the carefully selected news agenda wishes it can appeal to the public to behave in a way favourable to the governments wishes. For example, during the 1999 Kosovo Conflict the media in the United States and Great Britain played great attention to the human interest stories of Albanian refugees to stir public sympathy for intervention on their behalf. However, the irony was that the chosen form of intervention, solely from the air, while resulting in no politically damaging allied casualties, did little to stem the flow of refugees. Having referred to conflict one is also inclined to believe that the above interpretation of the media in the context of war may differ. When one takes into account the negative connotations assigned to the medias role during the Vietnam War the relationship would at first appear antagonistic and preclude any bowing on the part of the media to government will. However, the trend for assigning journalists to press pools in the 1990-1 Gulf War demonstrated an effective way of embedding journalists, not only physically, but also mentally with American forces. Cooperation between the media and the government manifested itself in ignoring and attempting to change public opinion, as Phillip Knightley explains: [S]izable minorities in both the United States and Britain were against such a war and although the mainstream media largely ignored their protests, these had to be dampened down unless they gained strength. Hussein had to be demonised. He was painted as being ruthless, another Hitler, a fanatic, deranged, a psychopath, hated by his own people and despised in the Arab world. Further, from the moment his troops had arrived in Kuwait they had committed unspeakable atrocities (Knightley 2001, p. 486). In addition to the restriction of information the media echoed government messages demonising Hussein and his actions. In this respect opposition to the conflict became tantamount to support for Saddam Hussein. Opposition was deemed unpatriotic. By ignoring public protest and presenting this interpretation of events the American public were being shamed into non-verbal opposition and the opinions of proponents of the war were bolstered by the apparent large-scale acceptance of their opinions, as witnessed through the media. Such a perception of events in conflict is at odds with the reality highlighted by Flynt in this and the subsequent conflict in Afghanistan: [W]e had no media with the troops in Afghanistan. Hardly anyone realized that most western reporters were being kept far from the front lines. The war news was being censored. We were being spoon fed commentary and military press releases masquerading as hard news. That was not only an insult to the American people, it was a huge disservice to news coverage in general (Flynt 2004, pp. 162-163). On a subject as emotive as conflict one would expect a mass media to be rife with opinions and conflicting views, representing the fears and worries of a diverse American public. The reverse was in fact true. The media demonstrated in the most tense of times that not only could and would it shape the perception of the conflict to the American people; it was also willing to gloss over public attitudes and expressions of dissent in a misled quest for patriotism in a manner that had historical precursors: In joining forces to sell the Cold War to the American people, government and industry professionals clearly knew they violated precepts of a free and independent press, but they justified it to themselves as a necessary patriotic duty in a fearsome age (Bernhard 1999, p. 179). Military conflict is one arena where the influence of the media is enhanced as the American public thirst for information. However, it also appears to be the occasion when the media is most likely to filter the information it provides. As with military confrontations the influence of media affects not only US public but also beyond. As Edward Herman and Robert McChesney point out the American model for global media is the likely ideal for other world media, as is, arguably, the democratic system of government (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 137). This also includes cultural infiltration of the American way of life with publics of other nations. Herman and McChesney go so far as to state that: We also think it very important to recognize that media effects are inseparable from broader economic, political, and cultural influences, such as external military occupation and rule, foreign indirect rule through sponsored authoritarian regimes military and police aid and training, economic and financial linkages, and tourism and educational exchanges, all of which are at least as imbalanced as media exports and imports (Herman and McChesney 1997, p. 155). In a mass media world, where the reach of information is global, perhaps one should consider not only the influence on the American public, but also the worldwide cultural influence. The impact of the American media on public attitudes and behaviour is great. The media have an unparalleled hold over information dissemination to the wider public and the message, according to many commentators, is all too readily accepted. However the messages portrayed are not the result of individual reportage and endeavour on the part of journalists. The mass media is shaped by government and commercial interests that combine to reduce diverse outlets to the same messages. In times of heightened national interest in the news agenda, such as during conflict, the process is more restricted than normal. In essence the media present the contradiction of a mass, diverse organism that through the widespread regurgitation of similar messages, lends credence to those messages, influencing the publics judgement as to their infallibility. Bibliography Articles Jordan, Donald, Newspaper Effects on Policy Preferences, Political Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 57, 1993, pp. 191-204. Books Bernhard, Nancy, U.S. Television News and Cold War Propaganda, 1947-1960, (Cambridge: 1999). Cook, Timothy, Governing with the News. The News Media as a Political Institution, (London: 1998) Flynt, Larry, Sex, Lies and Politics. The Naked truth about Bush, Democracy and the War on Terror, (London: 2004). Herman, Edward and McChesney, Robert, The Global Media. The New Missionaries of Corporate Capitalism, (London: 1999). Knightley, Phillip, The First Casualty. The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Kosovo, (London: 2001). Taylor, Philip, Global Communications, International Affairs and the Media since 1945, (London: 1997).

Cultural Diversity In Local Politics Essay - 3446 Words

Cultural Diversity in Local Politics Overview This paper explores the limits and potentials of ethnic and racial coalition building in Los Angeles. The demographic changes that have occurred in Los Angeles during the past twenty years have been extraordinary, both in scope and diversity. The area has witnessed a literal boom in population growth, increasing from 7 million in 1970 to 8.8 million in 1990. (US Bureau of the Census) However, it is the dramatic change in ethnic and racial diversity of the population which has caught most observers attention. Los Angeles has taken on a new form in terms of its racial diversity, moving from a biracial to a multiethnic setting. The non-Hispanic White population has declined from its 71†¦show more content†¦(Carmichael and Hamilton) In this work, as in most of the literature, the foundation of coalitions were based on common interests. 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Who Is The Best Vacation Of My Life - 1498 Words

I think my trip to Wyoming was one of the best vacation of my life. However, it most certainly didn’t start off that way. While the trip (or more specifically, part of the trip) was one of the best of my life, the car ride up was one of the worst. Other than my annoying little cousin, Ellie, none of the kids wanted to go to Wyoming. I mean, could you really blame us? Thirteen, sixteen, and nineteen year old don’t usually want to drive around in a crowded car for hours on end taking pictures. Complexity was not in our mindset. Unfortunately, that’s exactly what we did. This is because my Uncle is a photographer, and there were 4 people with us considered elderly. Everybody knows, elderly people love photography, right? By the†¦show more content†¦After much argument, they finally agreed. We quickly got in the minivan (1 of the two cars we had taken up) and drove off. 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Violence in Music free essay sample

Teens In todays culture people are influenced by more than Just their friends and family. The problem being discussed is that music videos send a message that It Is k to live as a thug and hustler through the use of appeals by showing these thugs In music videos as living glamorous lives. Peoples personalities are Influenced by what they see and hear, whether It Is through television, radio, or video games.The television Is by far the most effective tool for influencing people. The invention of the TV gave advertisers and television networks the ability to advertise products and broadcast elevation shows to their audiences. Companies focused on marketing strategies to make the consumer feel as if they have the best product. Today, television advertising is a multi-billion dollar a year business with companies shelling out millions per commercial to sell their product.There is no debate that the television is our main source for receiving information but what if this Information was influencing people, children specifically, in a negative way? Todays economy has forced parents to work more and more, which Limits the amount of time they can spend and talk to their children. According to the A. C. Nielsen Co the average child spends less than 3. 5 minutes a week having a meaningful conversation with their parents and over 1,680 minutes watching television. Which has a bigger Influence on children, TV or parents?Music videos can send negative influences through Walsh 2 advertisements, lyrics, and the actions taking place in the videos TV has all sorts of shows that influence children in negative ways, but there is one form of television that has the most appeal and influence to younger generations. Music videos provide its viewers with images and sounds simultaneously to convey a message and a meaning. Some of the most famous musicians that have the most popular videos are people like 50 cent, Jay Z and P Daddy.All three of these artists have been arrested for numerous crimes, drug possession, assault and battery, possession of an illegal firearm, and the list goes on. The music videos that these artists put out are filled with everything that they themselves have been Involved In; drugs, sex, violence, and hatred for the police. The views and opinions of these rappers are not discouraged; they are considered a way of life, what the rap and hip-hop community calls the hug life. The thug life is a glorified way of living, where people shoot first and ask questions later; where image is key.The use of advertisements is seen in almost all music videos displaying the most exciting images to the viewers. These videos almost exclusively show the same images over and over again; expensive cars, promiscuous women and running from the police. Studies have shown that violent videos do in fact cause violent behavior. As read in the article, violent rap lyrics can encourage violent behavior; students were found to experience an Increase in aggressive Houghton after listening to songs with violent lyrics (Woodward). For people to say that rap music videos do not have a negative Influence on youth is arrogant and dangerous. More than 1,000 studies since 1955 have linked media violence and aggressive behavior Lapping). Surveys conclude that music videos are watched by a majority of teenagers. Take the MAT network, for example. Designed for Walsh 3 of boys and 78 percent of girls in this age group for an average of 6. 6 and 6. 2 hours each week, (Crime). Why is it that MAT and BET continue showing these music videos, knowing the harm it does to society? It is because sex, violence, and hatred are todays biggest sellers.On February 2003, 50 Cent released his commercial debut album, Get Rich or Die Trying, which sold 872,000 copies in the first four days of its release. The song and music video In dad club was the albums big hit, and was number one on the music charts for weeks. In the video 50 Cent raps about getting shot, selling drugs, having expensive cars and sleeping with multiple women. I see Exhibit in the Cut that n**** roll that weed up If you watch how I move youll mistake me for a playa or pimp Been hit wit a few shells but I dont walk wit a limp.I got the X if you into taking drugs Im into having sex, I anti into making love. These are Just a few of the lyrics in 50 Cents In dad club. In the video the viewer sees 50 Cent and his crew practicing shooting guns at targets, aiming for headsets, and other violent and inappropriate images. To think that millions of children and teens listened and watched this video countless times is scary. When children are exposed to as much TV as they are it is scary to think that these kinds of videos are the most popular. These are the kinds of artists that kids and young adults see as role models.False images can be seen in the way 50 Cent presents himself. He is funny, persuasive and even comes across as a Walsh 4 nice guy. 50 Cent does not care, or even think about what his music is doing to its viewer because he feels like he is Just expressing himself and making a lot of money. The music industry gets away with putting these videos and songs out there by labeling them as forms of art. The only problem with this is that the music industry is usually the only one who views it this way. What is most important is how the viewers see the videos. Younger viewers see In dad club as ways to model their own behavior.They strive to be like 50 Cent and desire his lifestyle. His gangs attitude is appealing to younger and older audiences alike, and his music is created by some of the most talented producers in the world. The talent behind 50 Cent makes his songs so successful and allows 50 to package his negative themes in catchy well- produced songs. It is hard for a kid not to listen to something that is well made and sounds good. The combination of music and images is more potent than either alone, Rich points out. Music lulls and disinherits, making it easy to suspend reality.The barrage of brief scenes allows images of violence and sex to be mixed in far more insidious ways than in a narrative drama, such as the soaps or sitcoms (Crime). Dry. Deer makes 50 Cents beats; he is arguably the best rap producer of all time. If a rap song has a good beat and a nice flow people will listen to it. The lyrics within the song are only a small percentage of the songs appeal and not understood after Just listening once. Combining negative lyrics and images with a great sounding beat is usually rap producers recipe for a hit album. Jay Z, famous multi- ultimatum rapper, released a song called 99 Problems in 2003. 99 Problems was a song aimed at police, and Jay Gs belief that the police are out to get him. Jay Z was, community. His opinion influences many people and what he says is often times taken as a truth in the urban culture. A music video like 99 Problems is very dangerous for young adults to see. The video is convincing and makes the viewer feel bad for Jay Z. He is portrayed as the victim of many problems, his biggest problem being the police. When children grow up without a role model they look to others for advice and someone they can strive to be.Jay Z encourages youth to do whatever necessary to obtain wealth regardless if what you do breaks the law. Young minds arent always capable of separating fiction and reality, Rich comments. They may see violence as an easy way to settle conflict or relieve stress. The media doesnt show the consequences, and they dont think about them(Crime). In one scene in the music video Jay Z raps about getting pulled over by the police for no reason, as the camera pans around the car while Jay Z is rapping you see the trunk filled with brief cases full of drug money.He disrespects the cops and out wits them by saying hat they need a search warrant to search his car, and that he is so rich that he can higher a lawyer if they decide to do anything. Jay Z is considered a smart guy so people listen to what he has to say. This is where advertisement comes into play, these words are convincing and could easily be seen as truth. When watching the music video for 99 Problems the viewer really starts to think that cops are bad guys out to get them. In the following lines Jay Z says that he was given a high bail Just because he was black.D. A. Tried to give the n**** shaft again Half-a-mil for bail cause Im African All because this fool was Harris them Walsh 6 Trying to play the boy like Hess saccharin. To suggest that the police and Judges will someone a high bail because you are African is a little far-fetched and gives authority a bad stereotype. In his John Woodward says, many writers and thinkers see a kind of informed political engagement, even a revolutionary potential, in rap and hip-hop. They couldnt be more wrong.By enforcing the stereotypes that long hindered blacks, and by teaching young blacks that a thuggish adversarial stance is the properly authentic response to a presumptively racist society, rap retards black success. If kids start to believe that this is how the government is and that respect for authority is useless there will be an overwhelming amount of disorder between youth and the law. After hearing this kind of message over and over again people will start to believe artists like Jay Z and his depiction of the police as bad guys.A good example of a song and music video that promotes every kind of negative image for kids and young adults is the song titled Bad Boys for Life, by Sean Combs, also known as P Daddy. The name of the song in its self gives the audience an idea about what to expect to hear in the lyrics. In the beginning of the video there is a nice quite neighborhood. As the camera angle changes a bunch of black cars pull up to a house. When the cars stop, the music starts, and a group of girls wearing close to nothing start walking out of the bus with P Daddy behind them.The videos main theme is to show how P Daddy and his crew completely turned a nice neighborhood upside down by having crazy parties and racing through the quiet streets in low riders. They rap about drugs, violence important in their lyrics. The very first line mentions that the rapper P Daddy is waists involved in drugs and that he has a hit list. Im the definition of, half man, half drugs Ask the clubs, Bad Boy thats hasps After bucks, crush cruise after us No gaze, we anti laughing much Nothing but big things, check the hotlist This video sends a bad image because it is the definition of a negative rap video. Bad Boys for Life has all the harmful components found in most rap videos grouped into one. Having fun and going crazy is the real message in this video. P Ditsy disturbance of a neighborhood is seen as funny when in reality should be seen as seriously bad. This kind of video promotes insane behavior and a disregard for the people around the viewer. Our findings raise concern for the effect of violent portrayals in music videos on adolescents expectations about their own safety and the way they view people of another gender or race.Their approaches to interracial interactions and male-female relationships, and their strategies for conflict resolution are vulnerable to the effects of these portrayals. (Crime) When a child sees this video they will start to think of violent and disturbing behavior as being fun and acceptable, especially when behavior like this is unacceptable; for example in a quiet neighborhood. These three videos are Just a few of hundreds of USIA videos that contain harmful images that are seen by millions of children every day.For some reason the rap and hip hop community is responsible for the vast majority of the most violent, sexist, and racist videos. Something needs to be done in regards to monitoring what children and even teens can see on TV. These video are not meant to be seen as fictional, they are meant to Walsh 8 be seen as real life depictions of the rappers glorified thug life. When images of money and success are combined with images of violence, complete disregard for the law, sex, drugs and parties, only harm can come.People, especially kids, start associating all these images and start to form completely wrong views of what life is really all about. The videos seen today are so dangerous to society as a whole because todays society is more fueled by media than it has ever been. Because of this fact people need to make sure that they are not feeding our youth things that will destroy lives later on down the road. Instead of promoting negative images artists need to step it up, and realize that they can make a difference by using their status to influence children in a positive way, rather than in a negative way.